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Tuesday 4 October 2016

india breaks up SAARC

The New Cold War between the unipolar and multipolar worlds has been progressively unfolding across the past couple of years, most visibly through the US and its allied bloc’s ‘containment’ aggression against Russia and China. The US recently succeeded in bringing India on board and has thus opened up a southern front in its pan-Eurasian asymmetrical war. Up until this point, India’s Hybrid War on CPEC and the Chinese-Indian Cold War were being waged beyond the institutional front, with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) not formally being brought into these battles. This pragmatically left open the possibility that the competition could be contained and that the organization could serve as an intermediary venue for cooling down tensions between all sides. Alas, this is no longer the case, however, since Modi-Doval decided to up the ante and mischievously forced the apolitical regional integration group to take sides in the New Cold War, splitting it up along New Cold War lines and formally bringing the global rivalry between the unipolar and multipolar worlds to the forefront of South Asian politics. 

Divide And Conquer

The news just broke that India is boycotting the upcoming SAARC meeting in Islamabad in November, and Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Bhutan are also following suit for their own various reasons. Whether it’s due to Pakistan’s alleged “interference in the internal affairs of Bangladesh” as Dhaka proclaimed or concerns about “terrorism” like Afghanistan and Bhutan made a point of saying, it should be obvious to all regional observers that these member states are simply following India’s lead in trying to ‘isolate’ Pakistan from South Asia, using the occasion of the SAARC gathering in Islamabad to add insult to injury with their abstentions. The other three countries of the bloc – Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka – might still attend the event, but each of them are comparatively small, weak, and are already the scene of heated New Cold War rivalry between China and India, so it’s very possible that some, if not all, of them might be pressured in one way or another by New Delhi (or even bribed) to forgo the meeting. Even if they showed up,  the SAARC meeting still wouldn’t be the same because of the other abstentions, so in essence, India has succeed in splitting up the group and making it a symbolic South Asian sacrifice on the altar of the New Cold War. 
Here’s what the bloc-like division of SAARC looks like on a map:

Weakness, Not Strength

Contrary to how the Indian media is predictably painting it, India’s actions are taken not out of a position of strength, but of strategic weakness. Modi had to deflate his famous ‘56-inch chest’ and walk back from the warmongering threats that he and his media jingoists had been bleating about for the past week, instead seeking to ‘isolate’ Pakistan on the diplomatic front. Even this policy has abysmally failed, as can be seen by a host of examples from Russia’s joint military drills with Pakistan to Iran’s eagerness to joint CPEC, but nevertheless, the myth of Pakistan’s ‘isolation’ still lives on in Indian tabloids and unipolar media outlets that indulge in wishful thinking. An objective appraisal of the situation indicates that India is trying to balance against Pakistan by enticing smaller states to bandwagon behind New Delhi, with Modi depending on the unipolar world and its globally pervasive media infrastructure to incessantly reinforce the false narrative that Pakistan is ‘isolated’ and that the end of CPEC is nigh. This same modus operandi was applied last week towards India’s first-ever infowar against Russia, and just like that one spectacularly failed, so too will this one, though the SAARC subterfuge will have much more visibly impactful, wide-ranging, and immediate consequences. 

India’s Policy Of Carrots And Sticks

Afghanistan:

It’s not too difficult to explain why some of the SAARC members decided to side with India in this fabricated spat. Afghanistan, as is known, has many problems with Pakistan that are driven by both geopolitical and demographic considerations. Some Afghan voices insist that the British-era Durand Line separating their country from Pakistan should have expired in 1993 and that Kabul is thus eligible to ‘reclaim’ the rest of Balochistan all the way up to the Indian Ocean, an attractive idea for a landlocked country and one which can assuredly be abused by hegemonic India in getting its Afghan subordinates to back the RAW-organized separatist insurgency in Pakistani Balochistan. On the demographic front, Pashtun-majority Afghanistan wants to extend its influence into the Pashtun-populated periphery of Pakistan, seeking to capitalize on the fact that there are numerically more Pashtuns in Pakistan than Afghanistan in trying to actualize some vague notion of “Pashtunistan” that could complement India’s destabilization activities in Balochistan. 

Bangladesh:

Bangladesh, for its part, ‘made nice’ with India through the promulgation of an historic border agreement last year which positions the country as the necessary transit space for Modi’s “Act East” policy of direct commercial engagement with ASEAN. Moreover, Dhaka is continually threatened with the Damocles’ Sword of international terrorism which never-endingly strives to turn Bangladesh into Bangla-Daesh. 
Faced with such diabolical internal-external pressures and with India breathing heavily down its neck at all times, Bangladesh broke down and became a normative instrument of Indian foreign policy in New Delhi’s Hybrid War on CPEC, powerfully symbolizing that a fellow Muslim country will take India’s side in this campaign and misleadingly reinforcing the New Delhi-driven narrative that Hindutva India isn’t a threat to Muslims. 
For all of its obsequiousness towards India when it comes to Pakistan, however, Bangladesh is less likely to be as compliant when it comes to China, understanding that it would completely sacrifice its strategic-competitive edge in the future global economy if it disregarded its high-level ties with China and abandoned the One Belt One Road project in favor of becoming an industrial outgrowth of India. That being said, sometimes countries don’t always behave rationally, so there’s a possibility that Bangladesh might succumb to the pressure against it in turning a cold shoulder towards China one day as well. 

Bhutan:

As for the last of India’s cronies, the most predictable of the three to stand behind New Delhi is Bhutan, which has historically functioned as a slightly more independent Kingdom of Sikkim prior to the latter’s pressured annexation by India. The last Himalayan Kingdom also has an existing border dispute with China which impedes its relations with the People’s Republic, and as most people could have surmised, plays a great deal of importance when it comes to the appeal that New Delhi has to Thimphu as a balancing partner and ‘protector’. Just as ‘big brothers’ are prone to do, however, India has the potential to abuse its status in taking advantage of Bhutan’s geostrategic security situation by implicitly holding out the threat of militarized pressure along its southern periphery. 
Although mythologized in the imagination of the world as a purely Himalayan Kingdom, Bhutan actually contains some lowland jungles along its border with India, and this part of the country was previously used as a refuge for Assamese and other Northeastern militant groups that are fighting against India. Bhutan took action against them in 2003, but the threat is always lingering that India might feel compelled to stage a unilateral intervention against any remaining members of these groups one of these days just like it did in Myanmar last year, which could serve as a fearsome stick for keeping tiny Bhutan in line with New Delhi’s policies. As for the carrot, India would like to import hydroelectricity from Bhutan and integrate the country into the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal) highway project (despite Bhutan’s hesitancy), New Delhi’s response to the Chinese-promoted and now-stonewalled BCIM (Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar) Corridor. 

China’s Silk Road Support For Pakistan

From the other side of the now-divided SAARC bloc, the remaining countries that chose not to immediately align with India did so not necessarily because they want to support Pakistan, but because they’re tied to China’s New Silk Road projects and understand that supporting Islamabad is the same as backing Beijing due to the unshakeable all-weather Chinese-Pakistani Strategic Partnership. As a brief overview, here’s what each of the three multipolar holdouts stand to gain by resisting India’s unipolar pressure and remaining firm in their support for Pakistan-China:

Nepal:

This country is located smack dab in the center of the Chinese-Indian Himalayan frontier, and while historically being a subservient proxy of India, the established paradigm was turned on its head last year after New Delhi arrogantly overstepped all bounds of acceptability and blockaded the country in protest of its new federal constitution. India of course vehemently denied that this was the case and blamed the de-facto blockade on truck drivers and demonstrators, but the events were widely seen as being stage-managed by India no matter what its Ministry of External Affairs diplomatically said about them. 
Even though New Delhi ultimately succeeded in engineering a behind-the-scenes regime change against the Chinese-pragmatic Prime Minister KP Oli and bringing pro-India Prachanda back to power, the legacy of Nepal’s accelerated engagement with China was already institutionalized through lasting agreements for Special Economic Zones (SEZs), fuel imports, and an extension of the Tibetan high-speed rail network under the Himalayans to Kathmandu, all of which have now bestowed the landlocked and geographically obscure country with an alternative outlet to the rest of the world that can gradually lessen India’s decades-long dominance over the state. 
While accepting that Prachanda is pro-Indian, he won’t be able to reverse his Chinese-friendly predecessor’s pragmatic inroads to China without experiencing considerable domestic opposition due to the fact that the government would be backtracking on its development commitment to the people. With this in mind, it’s not too unexpected that Nepal has refused to listen to India and is still planning to attend the SAARC meeting in Islamabad, though New Delhi might jealously resort back to Hybrid War pressure in getting Kathmandu to do what it wants, which might disastrously repeat the same mistakes of last year and with the same humanitarian and geopolitical consequences. 

Sri Lanka:

Located right off the southern tip of India’s Tamil Nadu state, the government of Sri Lanka has always had a love-hate relationship with India, and the history of both countries-civilizations has been intimately interconnected throughout the centuries. Without getting too deep into the background of bilateral relations, Sri Lanka swung from being pro-Indian to pro-Chinese during the administration of former President Rajapaksa, during which the strong-handed leader controversially crushed the Tamil insurgency to the cheers of China and the ire of India. It was also during his tenure that a Chinese submarine docked at a Sri Lankan port and sent shivers up the spines of India’s strategists. Additionally, China and Sri Lanka signed very important New Silk Road deals in buildingColombo’s port facilities and those in the southern city of Hambantota. 
The Indian leadership’s zero-sum mentality saw China’s infrastructure inroads as strategic threats to New Delhi’s envisioned leadership throughout all of their namesake ocean, which is why the Research and Analysis Wing(RAW, India’s version of the CIA) set out to throw the 2015 Sri Lankan election against Rajapaksa, who eventually lost his re-election bid by a razor-thin margin. His successor, Sirisena, quickly took steps to walk back some of Rajapaksa’s deals with China on the grounds of purported environmental concerns and other ‘plausible’ excuses for doing his Indian patron’s strategic bidding, though much to India’s complete surprise, Chinese diplomacymasterfully succeeded in restoring all perceived losses in August 2016 and now all the projects are back on track. 
The Sri Lankan “deep state” (permanent military-intelligence-diplomatic bureaucracies) evidently realizes that the country’s most advantageous position in international affairs is that of a balancer between India and China, not a partisan proxy of one or the other like Sirisena initially sought to be for New Delhi. These sensible considerations are why Sri Lanka has thus fair refrained from India’s call to avoid the SAARC gathering in Islamabad, since it knows that doing so could create problems with China by reinforcing the perception that Sirisena is still an Indian stooge. If Sri Lanka took the fateful step to follow India’s lead, China truthfully wouldn’t be able to do much to pressure it because of the mutually beneficial nature of the Colombo and Hambantota projects and the decisive strategic advantage that their completion would give Beijing relative to New Delhi (which is why China discretely fought so hard to salvage these projects), but it can be expected that some sort of consequences would ensue that could complicate the bilateral relationship between the two. 

Maldives:

The last country of the three to stand behind Pakistan-China in still agreeing to attend the Islamabad meeting in November is the Maldives, which just like Sri Lanka, also has a rocky history of relations with India, sometimes oscillating towards friendship and other times towards antagonism. As of late, India has been behaving in an unfriendly fashion towards the Maldives because of its fear that President Yameen is a “Maldivian Rajapaksa”, or in other words, is working uncomfortably close with the Chinese on infrastructure projects and other New Silk Road initiatives to the point that RAW has targeted him for elimination, whether by political or physical means. This isn’t hyperbole either, since the Maldives were thrown to the brink of Hybrid War chaos last fall when India and Saudi Arabia teamed up to destabilize the archipelago and prompt a forcible regime change following several high-profile and mysterious assassination attempts against Yameen. 
The author will spare the reader the details about all of these fast-evolving events and instead suggest that they reference his three-part article series on the topic that was published on Oriental Review during that time, but long story short, Color Revolution leader Mohamad Nasheed and his supporters were implicitly backed up by India as they once more attempted to unsuccessfully topple the government. India wanted Nasheed to reign over the Maldives instead of Yameen because RAW identified him as the most likely pro-Indian force that could possibly seize power in alliance with Saudi-supported Salafists. The unrest passed after a tense couple of weeks and Yameen is still is in power, though openly more pragmatic towards India in order to save his skin and stave off a repeat of the Hybrid War scenario that almost toppled his government and killed him. Still, Yameen remembers how India conspired against him and will probably not side with New Delhi against Islamabad unless faced with a credible and imminent threat to his life. 

Concluding Thoughts

India’s Hybrid War on CPEC has escalated from the covert-terrorist level of supporting Taliban fighters in the Federal Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), sleeper cells in Karachi, and separatist insurgents in Balochistan to the international one of directly attempting to involve the UN and New Delhi’s unipolar American, Japanese, and European allies into the spat that it has with Pakistan. The supportive rhetoric that India received was just window dressing for disguising the failure of New Delhi’s ‘isolation’ policy against Pakistan, as none of India’s Great Power partners took any substantial steps to transform their words into actions. Granted, it can be confidently assumed that the CIA is working hand-in-glove with their RAW counterparts when it comes to destabilizing Pakistan, but this is a totally different matter than ‘isolating’ it, which the US is officially reluctant to do because it needs to retain a working relationship with Pakistan in order to achieve some of its publicly proclaimed (but not necessarily committed-to) strategic objectives in Afghanistan. 
Since Modi-Doval embarrassingly failed to ‘isolate’ Pakistan on the dual fronts of the UN and Great Power arena like they promised their Hindutva electorate that they would, India has decided to tone down the scale of its grandiose strategy by limiting it to South Asia, hence its active steps to divide the regional integration platform of SAARC along New Cold War lines and essentially ruin its working efficiency. The destructive insertion of unrelated geopolitical rivalry into a nominally apolitical bloc is nothing new for India, since it’s been escalating its Cold War with China over the past year to the point that it’s now prompting serious questions about whether the two Great Powers can still reliably cooperate with one another in pursuit of their shared economic-financial objectives in BRICS. Moreover, India’s defection from the multipolar geopolitical camp to the unipolar one after the signing of its unprecedented and historic military-strategic partnership with the US makes many people wonder whether India planned to be the US’ Trojan Horse in the SCO all along, and whether it will function as such in BRICS and other multipolar organizations unless it’s contained, neutralized, and/or expelled. 
India, which has infinite potential to act as a responsible Great Power and one of the most positive geopolitical forces of the 21st century, has been on an institutionally destructive rampage and behaving like an crazed elephant stampeding through a ‘china’ shop. Expanding on this metaphor, while it’s certainly culpable for the immense damage that it’s inflicting all over the place, one can’t help but wonder whether the elephant chose to do all of this on its own initiative or if it was ‘spooked’ by someone else that had manipulated it into this blind rage. Pulling back from the imagery and returning to reality, the US obviously has a stake in turning India into the New Cold War 21st-century equivalent of what China was in the 20th-century Old Cold War and using its new ally as a battering ram for breaking BRICS, splitting the SCO, and shattering SAARC. The US’ “deep state” components have been hard at work over the past decade in convincing their Indian analogues that China is thenumber one threat to their country and that New Delhi needs to side with the West in order to defeat its rival, and judging by the look of things, it appears that they’ve succeeded. 
Now that the unipolar world’s efforts have born impressive fruit in swiftly sabotaging SAARC and ominously threatening BRICS and the SCO as well, if the crazed Indian elephant ever calms down, it would do well to reflect on President Putin’s 2015 UN General Assembly address in which he rhetorically asks the US, India’s most important partner now, “do you at least realize now what you’ve done?”.    

UNITED PAKISTAN


Monday 3 October 2016

Indian States Mindset


Sunday 25 September 2016

Indias current army strength


India’s armed forces look good on paper. It fields the world’s second-biggest standing army, after China, with long fighting experience in a variety of terrains and situations. It has topped the list of global arms importers since 2010, sucking in a formidable array of top-of-the-line weaponry, including Russian warplanes, Israeli missiles, American transport aircraft and French submarines. State-owned Indian firms churn out some impressive gear, too, including fighter jets, cruise missiles and the 40,000-tonne aircraft-carrier under construction in a shipyard in Kochi, in the south of the country.
Yet there are serious chinks in India’s armor. Much of its weaponry is, in fact, outdated or ill maintained. “Our air defense is in a shocking state,” says Ajai Shukla, a commentator on military affairs. “What’s in place is mostly 1970s vintage, and it may take ten years to install the fancy new gear.” On paper, India’s air force is the world’s fourth largest, with around 2,000 aircraft in service. But an internal report seen in 2014 by IHS Jane’s, a defense publication, revealed that only 60% were typically fit to fly. A report earlier this year by a government accounting agency estimated that the “serviceability” of the 45 MiG 29K jets that are the pride of the Indian navy’s air arm ranged between 16% and 38%. They were intended to fly from the carrier currently under construction, which was ordered more than 15 years ago and was meant to have been launched in 2010. According to the government’s auditors the ship, after some 1,150 modifications, now looks unlikely to sail before 2023.
Such delays are far from unusual. India’s army, for instance, has been seeking a new standard assault rifle since 1982; torn between demands for local production and the temptation of fancy imports, and between doctrines calling for heavier firepower or more versatility, it has flip-flopped ever since. India’s air force has spent 16 years perusing fighter aircraft to replace ageing Soviet-era models. By demanding over-ambitious specifications, bargain prices, hard-to-meet local-content quotas and so on, it has left foreign manufacturers “banging heads against the wall”, in the words of one Indian military analyst. Four years ago France appeared to have clinched a deal to sell 126 of its Rafale fighters. The order has since been whittled to 36, but is at least about to be finalized.
India’s military is also scandal-prone. Corruption has been a problem in the past, and observers rightly wonder how guerrillas manage to penetrate heavily guarded bases repeatedly. Lately the Indian public has been treated to legal battles between generals over promotions, loud disputes over pay and orders for officers to lose weight. In July a military transport plane vanished into the Bay of Bengal with 29 people aboard; no trace of it has been found. In August an Australian newspaper leaked extensive technical details of India’s new French submarines.
The deeper problem with India’s military is structural. The three services are each reasonably competent, say security experts; the trouble is that they function as separate fiefdoms. “No service talks to the others, and the civilians in the Ministry of Defense don’t talk to them,” says Mr Shukla. Bizarrely, there are no military men inside the ministry at all. Like India’s other ministries, defence is run by rotating civil servants and political appointees more focused on ballot boxes than ballistics. “They seem to think a general practitioner can perform surgery,” says Abhijit Iyer-Mitra, who has worked as a consultant for the ministry. Despite their growing brawn, India’s armed forces still lack a brain.


Indias current army strength


India’s armed forces look good on paper. It fields the world’s second-biggest standing army, after China, with long fighting experience in a variety of terrains and situations. It has topped the list of global arms importers since 2010, sucking in a formidable array of top-of-the-line weaponry, including Russian warplanes, Israeli missiles, American transport aircraft and French submarines. State-owned Indian firms churn out some impressive gear, too, including fighter jets, cruise missiles and the 40,000-tonne aircraft-carrier under construction in a shipyard in Kochi, in the south of the country.
Yet there are serious chinks in India’s armor. Much of its weaponry is, in fact, outdated or ill maintained. “Our air defense is in a shocking state,” says Ajai Shukla, a commentator on military affairs. “What’s in place is mostly 1970s vintage, and it may take ten years to install the fancy new gear.” On paper, India’s air force is the world’s fourth largest, with around 2,000 aircraft in service. But an internal report seen in 2014 by IHS Jane’s, a defense publication, revealed that only 60% were typically fit to fly. A report earlier this year by a government accounting agency estimated that the “serviceability” of the 45 MiG 29K jets that are the pride of the Indian navy’s air arm ranged between 16% and 38%. They were intended to fly from the carrier currently under construction, which was ordered more than 15 years ago and was meant to have been launched in 2010. According to the government’s auditors the ship, after some 1,150 modifications, now looks unlikely to sail before 2023.
Such delays are far from unusual. India’s army, for instance, has been seeking a new standard assault rifle since 1982; torn between demands for local production and the temptation of fancy imports, and between doctrines calling for heavier firepower or more versatility, it has flip-flopped ever since. India’s air force has spent 16 years perusing fighter aircraft to replace ageing Soviet-era models. By demanding over-ambitious specifications, bargain prices, hard-to-meet local-content quotas and so on, it has left foreign manufacturers “banging heads against the wall”, in the words of one Indian military analyst. Four years ago France appeared to have clinched a deal to sell 126 of its Rafale fighters. The order has since been whittled to 36, but is at least about to be finalized.
India’s military is also scandal-prone. Corruption has been a problem in the past, and observers rightly wonder how guerrillas manage to penetrate heavily guarded bases repeatedly. Lately the Indian public has been treated to legal battles between generals over promotions, loud disputes over pay and orders for officers to lose weight. In July a military transport plane vanished into the Bay of Bengal with 29 people aboard; no trace of it has been found. In August an Australian newspaper leaked extensive technical details of India’s new French submarines.
The deeper problem with India’s military is structural. The three services are each reasonably competent, say security experts; the trouble is that they function as separate fiefdoms. “No service talks to the others, and the civilians in the Ministry of Defense don’t talk to them,” says Mr Shukla. Bizarrely, there are no military men inside the ministry at all. Like India’s other ministries, defence is run by rotating civil servants and political appointees more focused on ballot boxes than ballistics. “They seem to think a general practitioner can perform surgery,” says Abhijit Iyer-Mitra, who has worked as a consultant for the ministry. Despite their growing brawn, India’s armed forces still lack a brain.


India raging terror on broken militia

To many Indians, their country’s strategic position looks alarming. Its two biggest neighbours are China and Pakistan. It has fought wars with both, and border issues still fester. Both are nuclear-armed, and are allies with one another to boot. China, a rising superpower with five times India’s GDP, is quietly encroaching on India’s traditional sphere of influence, tying a “string of pearls” of alliances around the subcontinent. Relatively weak but safe behind its nuclear shield, Pakistan harbours Islamist guerrillas who have repeatedly struck Indian targets; regional security wonks have long feared that another such incident might spark a conflagration, reports the Economist.
So when four heavily armed infiltrators attacked an Indian army base on September 18, killing 18 soldiers before being shot dead themselves, jitters inevitably spread. The base nestles in mountains close to the “Line of Control”, as the border between the Indian and Pakistani-administered parts of the disputed territory of Kashmir is known. Indian officials reflexively blamed Pakistan; politicians and pundits vied in demanding a punchy response. “Every Pakistan post through which infiltration takes place should be reduced to rubble by artillery fire,” blustered a retired brigadier who now mans a think-tank in New Delhi, India’s capital.
Yet despite electoral promises to be tough on Pakistan, the Hindu-nationalist government of Narendra Modi has trodden as softly as its predecessors. On September 21 it summoned Pakistan’s envoy for a wrist-slap, citing evidence that the attackers had indeed slipped across the border, and noting that India has stopped 17 such incursions since the beginning of the year. Much to the chagrin of India’s armchair warriors, such polite reprimands are likely to be the limit of India’s response.
There are good reasons for this. India gains diplomatic stature by behaving more responsibly than Pakistan. It is keenly aware of the danger of nuclear escalation, and of the risks of brinkmanship to its economy. Indian intelligence agencies also understand that they face an unusual adversary in Pakistan: such is its political frailty that any Indian belligerence tends to strengthen exactly the elements in Pakistan’s power structure that are most inimical to India’s own interests.
But there is another, less obvious reason for reticence. India is not as strong militarily as the numbers might suggest. Puzzlingly, given how its international ambitions are growing along with its economy, and how alarming its strategic position looks, India has proved strangely unable to build serious military muscle.
India’s armed forces look good on paper. It fields the world’s second-biggest standing army, after China, with long fighting experience in a variety of terrains and situations. It has topped the list of global arms importers since 2010, sucking in a formidable array of top-of-the-line weaponry, including Russian warplanes, Israeli missiles, American transport aircraft and French submarines. State-owned Indian firms churn out some impressive gear, too, including fighter jets, cruise missiles and the 40,000-tonne aircraft-carrier under construction in a shipyard in Kochi, in the south of the country.
Yet there are serious chinks in India’s armour. Much of its weaponry is, in fact, outdated or ill maintained. “Our air defence is in a shocking state,” says Ajai Shukla, a commentator on military affairs. “What’s in place is mostly 1970s vintage, and it may take ten years to install the fancy new gear.” On paper, India’s air force is the world’s fourth largest, with around 2,000 aircraft in service. But an internal report seen in 2014 by IHS Jane’s, a defence publication, revealed that only 60% were typically fit to fly. A report earlier this year by a government accounting agency estimated that the “serviceability” of the 45 MiG 29K jets that are the pride of the Indian navy’s air arm ranged between 16% and 38%. They were intended to fly from the carrier currently under construction, which was ordered more than 15 years ago and was meant to have been launched in 2010. According to the government’s auditors the ship, after some 1,150 modifications, now looks unlikely to sail before 2023.
Such delays are far from unusual. India’s army, for instance, has been seeking a new standard assault rifle since 1982; torn between demands for local production and the temptation of fancy imports, and between doctrines calling for heavier firepower or more versatility, it has flip-flopped ever since. India’s air force has spent 16 years perusing fighter aircraft to replace ageing Soviet-era models. By demanding over-ambitious specifications, bargain prices, hard-to-meet local-content quotas and so on, it has left foreign manufacturers “banging heads against the wall”, in the words of one Indian military analyst. Four years ago France appeared to have clinched a deal to sell 126 of its Rafale fighters. The order has since been whittled to 36, but is at least about to be finalised.
India’s military is also scandal-prone. Corruption has been a problem in the past, and observers rightly wonder how guerrillas manage to penetrate heavily guarded bases repeatedly. Lately the Indian public has been treated to legal battles between generals over promotions, loud disputes over pay and orders for officers to lose weight. In July a military transport plane vanished into the Bay of Bengal with 29 people aboard; no trace of it has been found. In August an Australian newspaper leaked extensive technical details of India’s new French submarines.
The deeper problem with India’s military is structural. The three services are each reasonably competent, say security experts; the trouble is that they function as separate fiefdoms. “No service talks to the others, and the civilians in the Ministry of Defence don’t talk to them,” says Mr Shukla. Bizarrely, there are no military men inside the ministry at all. Like India’s other ministries, defence is run by rotating civil servants and political appointees more focused on ballot boxes than ballistics. “They seem to think a general practitioner can perform surgery,” says Abhijit Iyer-Mitra, who has worked as a consultant for the ministry. Despite their growing brawn, India’s armed forces still lack a brain.

Monday 5 September 2016

FORGOTTEN PROMISES & DEFUNCT DOGMAS: - IS KASHMIR BEING PUSHED TO AN ARMED STRUGGLE?



      Absence of International Collective Conscience Is What Breeds Armed Struggles

Che Guevara

Popular Uprising, Public Revolt or National Mutiny, there many words found in the English Language for a phenomenon more commonly referred to as an Armed Struggle. Armed Struggle is a Movement Supplemented by Violence and undertaken by a National Entity for the achievement of defined Political Objectives. Though romanticized in pieces of fine literature, armed struggles have and will always continue to be a matter of grave concern for students of Peace and Conflict Studies. Armed struggles throughout the course of history and even in recent times have served as catalysts to chain of disorder, rampage and violence which have adequate potential of invoking prospects of a Civil War. Irish Republican Movement and or The Angola National Campaign are manifestations of how Justifiable movements turned in Mass Humanitarian Tragedies. Armed Struggles thus no matter how legitimate are discouraged by previews of Strategic Studies and the only productive measure that can be undertaken in this regard is the engagement of international community in general and power-players in particular with issues related to Self Determination and Identity Crisis. It is however appalling to see that the ultimate Preacher of Democracy and Justice has decided to shy away from a brewing crisis that is unfolding as we speak. Will this disengagement provide Raison D’être for an Armed Struggle?


Four Day Visit of the U.S Secretary of State Mr. John Forbes Kerry to India has just concluded on the 1st day of September 2016. The significance and impact of this visit was already anticipated and many in the region as well as in the rest of the world were looking forward to it. Many of these onlookers belonged either to the Defense Contractors Club who were high up on their heels peeking into the Money Mint this visit could have ignited or to the Diplomatic/Academic circles observing strategic alignment in South-Asia. Without doubt this is the audience that was catered the most by the press and held in high esteem. However as cigars were being smoked and wine glasses being toasted in these elitist circles, far away from the Lutyens of Delhi in a God Forsaken Valley called Kashmir, another group of onlookers was also anxious about this visit. Hundreds of Thousands of Assaulted, Abused, Oppressed and Subjugated Children of a Lesser God were also trying their best to look on to this visit with their Pellet Ridden Eyes. These misfortune Kashmiris as we know them have been subject of abhorrent state brutalities for the past 2 months. Dozens have fallen to Indiscriminate Firing by Indian Security Forces, Hundreds including children have suffered Permanent Visual Disabilities due to the use of Pellet Guns by LEAs and Thousands have suffered Harrowing Torture when they were found violating the terms curfew due to immediate needs. These people and many more that care for them had their Eyes Locked at the Secretary of State’s Visit as they hoped that the ultimate custodian of Human Rights and Civil Liberties in this unipolar world would care for them. If not in a position to Restrain India from its wrongdoings or even Reprimand it The Secretary of State was at least expected to pay a lip service by expressing regret over the Loss of Life in Kashmir. Expectations of the distressed were high as they hoped that even an expression of Sorrow and Regret would placate them and heal their wounds to some extent but all these hopes were in vain. 


The Secretary of State found enough time for Sightseeing in the Suburbs of Delhi as he Visited Temples and Collected Artifacts but he could not find enough time to acknowledge or comment upon the tyranny that exists in the valley. It is difficult as to say whether the Secretary of State found himself Short of Time or SHORT OF COURAGE but this visit has left deep scars in the valley. It seems as if human rights and fundamental liberties are Meant Not for the inhabitants of Kashmir, what await them is further Oppression, Torture, Enforced Disappearances and Mass Graves. Franklin Roosevelt the 32nd President of the United States had famously said “Never Again” while responding to the Holocaust, this promise has gained further significance in the post-cold war transformation of the world into a unipolar entity. Many today across the globe look up to This Promise but it seems as if Uncle Sam has either Forgotten these boastful words or Lost Some Calcium in His Back Bone. The United States of America either due to the Shine of the Indian Capital Market or due to Vested Interests has in the recent past began to shy away from its responsibilities as a Super-Power in the New World Order. Let alone stand for the millions of oppressed Kashmiris U.S has also restricted its self from Acknowledging the International Status of the Kashmir Dispute which is Supplemented by Several U.N Resolutions. Kashmiris have been watching these Shades of American Diplomacy quite minutely yet they thought that Hundreds of Deaths would awake the long Dozing American Conscience. This visit however seems to have out the Final Nail in the Coffin. It has certainly conveyed to the Kashmiris the message that their Policy of Political Struggle and Endurance of Oppression is yielding No Results as their Shrieks and Cries fall on Deaf Ears.

 Adaptation of an Alternate Path of Struggle is thus the call of the hour. Its seems as if Kashmiris have Reached the Bank of the ferocious River Slavery where they would either have to Jump into it and drown till eternity Without Any Hope of Rescue or build a Bridge of Armed Struggle and cross it by the strength of their backs and the sweat of their brows, to the other side where the every lovely Freedom awaits them. This struggle if undertaken will surely inflict unimaginable pain and sufferings as a Wave of Violence would inevitably erupt. The decision rests with Kashmiris alone regarding the path they chose. The Secretary of States and his office is however advised to refrain from issuing any statements condemning violence if Kashmiris adopt the later path because the United States of America has lost the Moral Authority to do so.

Monday 15 August 2016

#Indian Media!


#Blame everything on the ISI



#World's Largest Democracy!


#Are Muslims terrorists or victims?


#Indian security forces raped sikh women..


#World's most polluted city (DELHI)


#PAK ARMY Officer and his wife..


#Pak-Afg relation right now!


#Backstabbing neighbor!


#The difference between Bhagat Singh and Burhan Wani!


Thursday 11 August 2016

Wednesday 10 August 2016

Monday 8 August 2016

#Story of Kashmir since 1948


Sunday 7 August 2016

#The only thing India is good at, raping Kasmiri women.


#Friends with benefits. INDIA & AFGHANISTAN


#India against Dalits


Friday 5 August 2016

#Indian Media


Thursday 4 August 2016

#Gandhi would be so proud of India.


#KashmirKillings #Indian atrocities


Yes, their heroes in movies and our heroes in real life; #PakArmy


Comparison of #George Washington & #Burhan Wani


Wednesday 3 August 2016

Why is UN silent on Kashmir Issue?


Muslim's are NOT TERRORISTS!


Tuesday 2 August 2016

#Indian Army's hunting season in Kashmir, killing innocent Kashmiri!


#Kashmir Killings


#Kashmir Calender


Well Said.


Monday 1 August 2016

This is what #India is doing to people of #Kashmir #IndianHRVoilations #KEXIT


Indian Army's Situation under control!